As he made his way at La Santé prison this week, Nicolas Sarkozy shared a message filled with resistance on X, asserting, "This isn't a ex-leader of the nation entering prison this morning, it's an innocent man." A court of appeal is set to rule on the truthfulness of that statement. But unfortunately for Mr Sarkozy, the turmoil and importance of his downfall cannot be ignored.
France's leader during the 2007-2012 term, the former president was judged culpable of illegal collaboration to secure illicit campaign funds from the regime of the late Libyan dictator, the Libyan strongman. Sentenced to a five-year prison term, he has become the first former leader of an EU country to be imprisoned, and the initial French president since the disgraced head of Vichy France, Philippe Pétain. Across France where the democratically selected head of state holds a quasi-monarchical status, the recent extraordinary spectacle was a seminal moment.
In an era when faith in political institutions in France has declined drastically to the point where the lights are flashing red, it was also a salutary demonstration that no one is above the law. As per a study published this week, two-thirds of respondents indicated that they believed a large number of politicians were corrupt, and the vast majority said that most acted mainly out of self-interest. In sentencing Mr Sarkozy and ordering that his prison term should begin without delay, the court official, the judicial authority, said that she took into account both the exceptionally grave nature of the violations and the fact that they were "could damage citizens' trust."
Those thoughts might be seen as ordinary, particularly since that the ex-president has in the past been found guilty in other graft trials. However the former president's case and its consequences have alarmingly revealed the extent to which across the country, as in different nations, the judicial framework is endangered by a newly fashionable disrespect toward legal institutions and the effort to control of public opinion.
Following a populist playbook, an exhaustive and meticulous court case has been falsely depicted by his backers as a judicial plot and political retaliation. Subsequent to the decision in September, the former president publicly criticized his judgment as illegal and condemned the "hostility" with "no restraints" that supposedly drove it. As prominent officials and advocates from the traditional and radical have filled the airwaves and right-leaning media with the same talking points, the judicial figure has been subjected to numerous death threats.
Encouragingly, the public does not appear to be buying it. Research following the judgment found clear majorities endorsing both the proceedings of the legal case and his sentencing. However the turmoil, and the obvious try to weaken the standing of the court system, was very likely only a preliminary test. During winter, Marine Le Pen's appeal against a conviction for misuse of campaign money will occur. Should she lose it, the far-right National Rally leader will be ruled out from competing in the future campaign.
In a polarised and mistrustful nation, that will be a perilous moment for the French judiciary to handle. Mr Sarkozy may yet be released before his own appeal, after an application by his lawyers. Yet the unfounded and damaging assaults on the legal system before, during and after his trial have set a damaging precedent.
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